Dope, Inc. - Part 3: Organized Crime

Dope, Inc. - Part 3: Organized Crime

Written by Konstandinos Kalimtgis, David Goldman, Jeffrey Steinberg

Monday, 26 May 2008 ZioPedia

Introduction We have now taken the reader through the production and wholesaling phase of Dope, Incorporated. We have introduced the Far East clearinghouse bank, the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank and the gold and diamond houses that with HongShang feed the black market with invisible forms of payment. In the following pages we will concentrate on the distribution side of Dope, Incorporated's business cycle. We will first enter the Canadian board rooms where the Keswicks, the Inchcapes and their representatives brush shoulders with the wholesalers of the drug trade — the Zionist Hofjuden middlemen — whose assigned task is to ensure swift and secure delivery of that "most valuable source of revenue" to Britain's retail distributors: the mob. The Bronfman family of Canada is our leading case, since they are the top middlemen for the U.S. market which, in turn, is the richest in the world. Beneath the respectable veneer of the Bronfmans' corporate financial empire we will uncover Dope, Incorporated subsidiaries that control the criminal underworld of North America. We will look closely at Meyer Lansky, the Marcello family, and other "Mafia" figures and discover that like China's Green Gang, the mob is a secret army, a fifth column controlled by Britain against the United States. We will trace the drug money to the gambling casinos and other "legitimate" enterprises that are the syndicate's indispensable storefront cover for the drug trade. From these respectable enterprises we will trace the drug money into the halls of the state assemblies, city councils, congressional offices, and into the pockets of America's contemporary Benedict Arnolds and Aaron Burrs, among whom we will find Edward Kennedy, Jacob Javits, Henry "Scoop" Jackson, and other leading lights of the Zionist Lobby. We will find tainted heroin money being funneled into Zionist organizations and from Zionist fronts back into political machines for the dual purpose of buying protection for the drug trade and shaping U.S. policy. We will then take a grand tour through the Anglo-Dutch offshore banking centers, watching money being laundered through Basel, Liechtenstein, Tel Aviv, and the Bahamas; tracing it carefully as it changes ownership from the mob, to the Bronfmans, to British banks, to the Israeli Mossad — finally ending up in dummy corporations to finance international terrorism and a privately owned worldwide assassination bureau. By the time we finish, the reader will have a view of organized crime that tears to shreds all the fairy tales of the drugstores novels and Grade-B Hollywood productions. The image of gangsters and thieves lurking in the dark underworld will dissipate before the fact that we are dealing with the most highly integrated, top-down political machinery in the world — one that enjoys the logistical support of a $200 billion per annum international cartel and the "protection" of every political entity Britain has created through these vast "invisible earnings."

The Jacobs Family's Emprise: Sports and Crime

On June 2, 1976, moments after a bomb exploded in his car and inflicted fatal injuries, dying Arizona investigative reporter Don Bolles whispered three words to the rescue team that pulled him from the wreckage: "Mafia . . . Emprise . . . Adamson."

Bolles was on the verge of completing a seven-year investigation of laundered drug traffic money in the state of Arizona, including organized crime takeovers of dog tracks and horse racing—areas the Buffalo-based Jacobs family began moving into in 1959.

A Phoenix resident, John Adamson, pleaded guilty to the murder in January 1977, naming a local real estate developer, Max Dunlop, as the man who hired him to murder Bolles. Mysteriously, no investigation ever took place of Emprise, the leading vehicle since 1916 of the Jacobs family, which had been the primary target of Bolles's investigation and the subject of his last words.

Emprise was one of the largest nonpublic, family-owned corporations in the world, a conglomerate with control or partial control over 450 separate companies. Its stated annual profit is $350 million, from holdings in North American and British sports complexes, race tracks, and food consortia. It is probably the biggest quasi-legitimate cover for organized crime's money laundering in the United States. Were it a public company, it would rank about 150 in the Fortune 500.

The Jacobs family's only concession to the numerous attempts by law enforcement agencies to shut them down was to change Emprise's name to Sportsystems in 1972.

The vast extent of the present Jacobs empire is approximated by Sportsystems' 1977 declared holdings. The pattern that emerges conforms to the requisites of an international laundering racket for narcotics, prostitution, and gambling receipts.

Sportsystems Corporation maintains:

*majority interest or significant minority interests in over 20 horse racing tracks in the United States and Canada;
*food concessions at over 40 horse racing tracks in the United States and Canada plus another 15 in England. Those in Great Britain are maintained in the name of Sportsystems' wholly owned subsidiary, Letheby and Christopher Ltd., chaired by a retired British Army colonel, Livingstone Learmouth;
*over ten greyhound racing tracks in the United States and Canada, including majority holdings in nearly every track in the heavily drug-trafficked state of Arizona;
*24 concession contracts with major-league baseball teams in the United States, including Chicago's Comiskey Park and Detroit's Tiger Stadium;
*ownership of the Boston Garden indoor professional sports complex and the Boston Bruins professional ice hockey team;
*ownership of Professional Sports Publications, Inc., the largest U.S. publisher of sports events programs;
*161 concessions at theaters and bowling alleys in the United States;
*15 airport concessions, including in-flight and ground-level concessions at Washington, D.C. airports and Palm Springs, Florida;
*two jai alai stadiums (legal gambling facilities) in Florida;
*industrial food catering services at such locations as the Gulf of Mexico oil drilling platforms; and
*one Alaska-to-Seattle cargo fleet comprised of six ships. This route curiously parallels the prime entry point to the U.S. of Chinese heroin.

Within this maze of operations, each characterized by a high volume of cash turnover, the $350 million figure is a fraud, published for tax purposes. Law enforcement sources estimate the annual flowthrough of tainted cash in the range of several billions of dollars.

That is not conjecture. Emprise and its incarnation, Sport-systems, left a broad trail of investigations, indictments, and convictions, occurring mainly during the years of Nixon's War on Drugs—a trail that ended with the Bolles murder. In 1972, the family firm was convicted of conspiracy to take over a gambling casino in Las Vegas by illegal means. That incident, among other things, provoked the change of the Emprise name. Indicted along with the Jacobs brothers were some of the best-known faces in the mug files of the Justice Department's Organized Crime Strike Force. Among the co-conspirators were top racketeers, drug traffickers, and the entire leadership of the Detroit mob, including

*Anthony Zerilli, son of Joseph Zerilli, Detroit's mob boss and an official of the Emprise subsidiary, Hazel Park Racing Association;
*Michael B. Polizzi of Grosse Point, Michigan, an owner of the Valley Die Cast Association, identified as a Detroit mob lieutenant in police files;
*Anthony Giordano of the "St. Louis Banana Distributing Company," the kingpin of St. Louis drug traffic;
*Peter J. Bellanca, also a director of the Emprise-owned Hazel Park Racing Association; and
*Jacob Shapiro, a Detroit-Miami mobster, with interests in Las Vegas' Silver Slipper casino.

Conviction in the same dock with known mobsters did not deter the Jacobs family. Since 1972, they have continued to act as money-movers and bagmen for a whole list of organized crime figures. Several large loans to crime syndicates are on the record, including a $2 million 1972 loan to the Montreal Expos—owned by their old sponsors and counterparts across the Canadian border, the Bronfman family of Montreal. An earlier recipient was convicted murderer Raymond Patriarcha, the crime boss of Rhode Island. Louis Jacobs, one of the three brothers, brought Patriarcha into a partnership in the Chicago Lion Manufacturing Company, since renamed the Bally Manufacturing company, the largest American producer of pinball and slot machines and the source of supply for the mob's pinball distribution. Also on the list of the Jacobs' "loan" recipients are a number of associates of syndicate financier Meyer Lansky, including Morris Dalitz, according to testimony introduced into the Congressional Record (1).

A Michigan grand jury is currently hearing a case implicating the Jacobs' Sportsystems and the Jacobs brothers personally in an attempt to tamper with Michigan state criminal records involving members of the Zerilli mob and St. Louis crime figure Morris Shenker.

Despite a record of criminal activity stretching back to the 1910s—and never interrupted—the Jacobs family remains one of the open, "legitimate" fronts for Dope, Incorporated. Not only is the Jacobs family protected, but, as we will document below, it retains a group of veterans of the Kennedy Administration's Organized Crime Strike Force as its legal department.

Emprise appeared in 1916, the year that the Bronfmans and the Hudson's Bay Company began bootlegging through the "Pure Drug Distribution Company," using the three Jacobs brothers as contacts right across the border in Buffalo. The original Jacobs brothers, Louis, Marvin, and Charles, used the old smugglers' cover of "food concessions" for a chain of vaudeville theaters on the Canadian border crossing points at Buffalo and Cleveland. (2) The modus operandi is pretty much the one Mitchell Bronfman used during the early 1970s for smuggling heroin into the United States. Once established, the Jacobs machine became a leading distributor for Bronfman liquor as the United States went dry.

Functionally, Emprise represented the "throttle" through which shipments of liquor could be turned on or off to the American mob. The Jacobs family, enduring a half-dozen criminal indictments through the 1920s, controlled the supply and financing of illegal booze for most of American organized crime.

Their dependents included the Purple Gang of Detroit, the gang convicted with the Jacobs brothers in the 1972 Las Vegas incident; the Morris Dalitz Cleveland-Las Vegas crime syndicate: and the Crown-Lundheimer mob in Chicago, the Zionist controllers of the colorful "cutout" Al Capone. (3) Not only are these ties still in place; every man who tried to do something about them is either dead, like reporter Don Bolles, or broken, like former Arizona Congressman Sam Steiger.

The Steiger investigation

Beginning in 1970, five-term Arizona conservative Congressman Sam Steiger began an investigation into Emprise's activities in his home state. Working closely with Bolles, Steiger prepared a series of reports for the House Select Committee on Crime, of which he was a member. Steiger placed two damning reports on Emprise in the Congressional Record in 1970 and 1972 (4). He also widely publicized the finding of an Arizona State Auditor General report charging Emprise with falsifying figures to get a tax-break bill through the State Legislature. By 1972, in conjunction with the Nixon Justice Department, he succeeded in getting grand jury charges and federal court convictions against Emprise and the six Detroit area mobsters already cited. On May 24, 1972, pressure on Emprise had reached such a public crescendo that even Sports Illustrated ran a lengthy expose titled "Jacobs — Godfather of Sports"; the magazine was promptly sued for $20 million and settled out of court.

At that point, Democratic Party politicians and prominent figures in the Zionist Lobby went into action on Emprise's behalf. Not coincidentally, the same forces that came forward for Emprise were also preparing the Watergate scandal to bring down President Richard Nixon. (5)

Democratic members of the House Select Panel on Crime denounced the majority report prepared by Steiger exposing Emprise's ties to organized crime. As admitted by Max and Jeremy Jacobs in congressional testimony, Emprise hired New York public relations man Hal Antin to defeat Steiger in his 1976 re-election bid. A Phoenix underworld figure, George H. Johnson, was paid to wiretap and survey Steiger and manufacture scandals against him. Arnold Weiss, a Buffalo attorney on the Emprise payroll, was sent to meet with Steiger and deliver a series of ultimatums. Weiss reportedly threatened to ruin Steiger by planting rumors that his marriage had broken up after his wife caught him in illicit relations with their three-year-old daughter. Such rumors, in fact, did appear in various Arizona media. (6)

In 1972, Senator Robert Dole, a Kansas Republican, publicly protested the House Select Panel's decision to terminate the hearings on Emprise. Dole revealed that the decision had followed a private meeting between Jeremy Jacobs and Democratic National Committee Chairman Larry O'Brien. O'Brien subsequently left his Democratic Party post and assumed a lucrative job as president of the National Basketball Association—an organization with heavy representation by the Jacobs family.

As the Watergate campaign broke down Nixon's resistance and dismantled the core of his efforts to suppress organized crime, the attack against Emprise faded. By June 1976, Don Bolles was dead. On November 3, 1976, in an election heavily shaped by nationwide vote fraud (7), Rep. Steiger lost his bid for a sixth term in Congress. By this time a broken man fearing for his life, Steiger met with Jeremy Jacobs to "apologize" for his accusations against Emprise. At this time Emprise-Sportsystems had three pending civil suits against Steiger. In a last act of humiliation, Steiger wrote to Attorney General Edward Levi as a spokesman for Emprise on behalf of a presidential pardon for the 1972 federal racketeering conviction. Incoming Attorney General Griffin Bell turned down the request as "not deserving." (8)

Jacobs and Royal Crown

The second generation of Jacobs brothers, Max, Jeremy, and Lawrence, underwent the same "washing" into respectable society as their old Prohibition business partners, the Bronfmans. Ironically, the Jacobs brothers used their longstanding association with the Bronfmans, since married into the upper reaches of the European Hofjuden, to lend them an air of respectability somewhat above that of the outright thugs with whom they still do most of their business. For example, a third-generation Jacobs, Jeremy, took his "higher education" not at a university, but at the Toronto Jockey Club, after his 1960 high school graduation. The Bronfman-run Toronto Jockey Club, like its counterpart in Hong Kong, is not only one of Canada's best protected dirty money-gathering outfits, but a place where Hofjuden and gangsters can amiably mix in safety. Regular denizens of the Toronto Club include Viscount Hardinge and Canadian organized-crime figure Murray Koffler. Koffler's role as a retail outlet for Bronfman dope-running came into the public domain in 1976, when an associate's chain of retail drug stores was indicted for maintaining an amphetamine factory and a national army of pill-pushers. That distinction did not prevent Koffler from attending the wedding of Britain's Princess Anne, or from maintaining his close friendship with Anne's husband. Captain Mark Phillips. (9)

So far the Jacobs have been barred from marriage into the leading Hofjuden circles. However, the Jacobs have been awarded a respectable role in the train of the British monarchy, in a service capacity. The "crown jewel" of the Jacobs' operations is the British firm, Letheby and Christopher Ltd.—the caterers, by Her Majesty's appointment, to "all events with a royal presence." (10) Their concessions through Letheby and Christopher include the Tate Gallery, the Ascot Races, and other gathering places of the Royal Family and the British aristocracy. L & C, as it is affectionately known in Britain, was awarded the management of Ascot through the Bank of Norfolk, whose trustees include the Marquis of Abergavemy and Lord Tyron—the Keeper of the Queen's Privy Purse, third in aristocratic rank to the Keeper of the Queen's Horse, and the Keeper of the Queen's Bedchamber.

Apart from its royal honors, the Jacobs subsidiary manages 12 other racetracks in Great Britain including the national track at Liverpool, the site of the Grand National, and Wembly Stadium, Britain's equivalent of Madison Square Garden.

More than their retailing services for British dope-peddlers, however, accounts for the Jacobs family's honored position at the British court. They have conducted crucial—and dangerous—political errands for the British oligarchy over a period of years. One such mission involved the successful sabotage of Richard Nixon's 1972 plan for detente with the Soviet Union. Their instrument for the act of sabotage—the man whose presidential campaign they funded lavishly—was Senator Scoop Jackson.

"Scoopsie," Max Jacobs once said, "is the best friend Israel has in the Congress." Max and brother Jeremy were funders of their torpedo's run for the White House. (11)

Jackson authored the "Jackson-Vanik" Amendment to destroy the effectiveness of Nixon's 1972 treaty for expanded trade and scientific cooperation, which rested, among other things, on American credits for Siberian development. Jackson's operation prevented the United States from extending any credits to the Soviet Union until the Soviets "liberalized" their Jewish emigration policy. (Under the Nixon Administration, such emigration had already increased fourfold.)

The Jacobs brothers had hamstrung a treaty the British Crown viewed as a mortal enemy, one the Rothschild-owned London Economist denounced as a "waltz of the elephants." Jackson has continued to work as a pawn of the Jacobs crime family, advocating, among other projects, a military alliance with and weapons sales to China, Britain's partner in world dope traffic.

In the Jacobs group, America has its homegrown version of the Green Gangs, the fifth column Britain used to destroy China.